Center for Strategic and Regional Studies (CSRS)
The Centre for Strategic and Regional Studies (CSRS)
An examination of the evolution of OPEC and the position of the United Arab Emirates within the organization indicates that the UAE’s withdrawal was not merely a short-term decision or a technical disagreement over production quotas. Rather, it reflects deeper structural transformations in the global energy economy and shifting power dynamics within the Persian Gulf.
Name: Sayed Israr Samim Email Address: sayed.samim@students.uiii.ac.id Sayed Israr is a Ph.D. student at faculty of social science, Universitas Islam […]
The visit of the President of the United States, Trump, to China was largely ceremonial in nature, with limited tangible outcomes. Some Western analysts believe that Xi Jinping held a relative advantage in the discussions, as China did not soften its position on issues such as Taiwan and economic pressures.
In conclusion, the most important point to emphasize in this analysis is the gap between what the United States and the Zionist regime assumed about Iran’s system and what they actually encountered in practice. They believed that by removing a small number of individuals at the top, the entire system would collapse. However, Iran demonstrated that it possesses a multi-layered and distributed structure—one in which the failure of a single component does not paralyze the whole system.
The Persian Gulf states find themselves in a complex and multi-layered position in the conflict between the U.S.–Israeli axis and Iran, where their strategic choices have the potential to significantly shape the future of the region. The continuation of a defensive posture, while less costly and more conducive to faster recovery and reconstruction, would still mean the persistence of uncertainty and ongoing economic pressure. It may reduce immediate military risks, but it does not fully eliminate long-term security concerns or regional instability.
The confrontation between the United States, Israel, and Iran—now paused under a fragile ceasefire and accompanied by inconclusive negotiations—stems from a fundamentally zero-sum strategic dynamic. The United States and Israel seek a “neutralized” Iran: one without nuclear technological capacity, deprived of advanced long-range weapons, and with minimal regional influence. From Iran’s perspective, however, accepting such conditions would amount to the dismantling of its technological, military, and political capabilities, ultimately placing the state on a path toward strategic vulnerability and possible collapse.
The Iran–United States–Israel conflict is not merely an external war for Afghanistan; it carries deep and multidimensional political, security, and economic consequences. This analysis demonstrates that, due to its geographic position, Afghanistan continues to bear both direct and indirect pressures arising from regional power rivalries.
Iran’s return to negotiations with the United States does not merely reflect a tactical adjustment; rather, it appears to be the result of a broader erosion in Tehran’s deterrence-based strategic calculations. The weakening of proxy networks, the attrition of military capacity, increasing international isolation, and the widening state–society divide have collectively raised the costs of sustained confrontation beyond what the Iranian system can comfortably absorb. In this context, renewed diplomacy represents a recalibration driven by structural pressures rather than voluntary strategic transformation.
The Peace Board established by Donald J. Trump has been publicly presented as an initiative to end the Gaza war and contribute to the resolution of international conflicts. However, an examination of its charter indicates that the Board does not constitute a neutral multilateral international organization, but rather a highly personalized institution under Trump’s direct control.
The Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) was established to strengthen regional coordination, promote free trade, support regional economic development, and enhance scientific and cultural exchanges. Holding the recent ECO meeting in Pakistan, with the participation of all member states except Afghanistan, indicates that Pakistan is viewed as an important economic partner by other member countries and enjoys a significant level of regional trust. Hosting such meetings also increases Pakistan’s visibility and influence in the region.
